Thursday, August 13, 2009

The Psychology of Spirituality

The Psychology of Spirituality: "

Christmas is once more upon us, celebrating the birth of Jesus Christ. Chanukkah too has started, celebrating a miraculous event occurring centuries before Christ (who, as a Jew, presumably celebrated Chanukkah) was born. Both--despite their commercialism--are prominent religious holidays in the Judeo-Christian tradition. So perhaps this is an apropos time of year to reflect here on the psychology of spirituality and religion.

Psychologically speaking, religion is conceived, created and perpetuated by virtually every culture throughout history to provide meaning, comfort and succor in the face of the stark, disturbing, anxiety-provoking existential facts of life: suffering, misfortune, meaninglessness, isolation, insecurity, disease, evil, loss, and ultimately, death. The impressive longevity, ubiquity and tenacity of religion in human affairs attests to its relative efficacy in this regard. Religion may be further understood as a means of seeking to acknowledge, comprehend and honor the "numinous" aspects of existence: fate; destiny; mystery; wonder, beauty or awe; the irrepressible powers of nature; the perception of some intelligent and loving grand design in the universe; the organic interrelatedness of all things; the insignificance and impermanence of the personal ego and transcendent immensity of the cosmic, transpersonal or spiritual realm beyond both ego and material reality; and the ineffable yet transformative subjective experience of oneness with the cosmos and its creator. Religion traditionally provides a container, language, symbolism, and structure for such archetypal spiritual experiences.


On the negative side, religion, as Freud rightly recognized, can be a neurotic or sometimes psychotic means of dogmatically avoiding, denying or defending against the primal realities of existence and refusal to accept full responsibility for one's thoughts, desires, feelings, impulses, choices and actions. This misguided, infantilizing, illusory, rigid or delusional form of religiosity, frequently found in fundamentalism, can be exceedingly dangerous, since it engenders the psychological projection of power, responsibility, good and evil onto some external entity, be it God, Satan, demons or demonized enemies in God‘s name. Few theologians today would deny that, throughout history, organized religion has itself been the divisive source of myriad evils: from the Crucifixion to the Inquisition to the recent rash of radical terrorism murderously engaged in with such religious fervor in the holy name of Allah.


Today, we tend to differentiate between organized religion and spirituality. When asked whether they are religious, many say they are spiritual but not religious in the traditional sense. But just what is spirituality?


To begin with, spirituality is not all sweetness and light. It is a serious matter. Most postmodern, New Age spiritual dilettantes avoid dealing with the dark, shadowy side of themselves or others: our metaphorical devils and demons, the daimonic, or the shadow, to use Jung's term. They seek the transcendent ecstasy, bliss or joy of spiritual practice without its requisite descent into the underworld. They want Heaven without having to pass through Hell. They want to eliminate the perceived negative and focus only on the positive. They desire to know about angels but despise devils. But recognizing, honoring, embracing and bringing this dark side to light is at the very heart of true spirituality. Spirituality can best be characterized by psychological growth, creativity, consciousness and emotional maturation. In this sense, spirituality is the antithesis of pseudoinnocence: the naïve denial of destructiveness in ourselves and others. Spirituality entails the capacity to see life as it is--wholly, including the tragic existential realities of evil, suffering, death and the daimonic--and to love life nonetheless. This amor fati, as Friedrich Nietzsche phrased it--love of fate-- is a spiritual achievement of the highest magnitude. As existential theologian Paul Tillich put it, "The affirmation of one's essential being in spite of desires and anxieties creates joy. . . . It is [according to Seneca] the happiness of a soul which is ‘lifted above every circumstance.' . . . Joy is the emotional expression of the courageous Yes to one's own true being." And to life itself. (Here I am reminded of how John Lennon met Yoko Ono: He attended an exhibition of her art at a London gallery where she had a step-ladder standing. Curious, Lennon climbed the mysterious ladder apparently to nowhere, discovering only a magnifying glass with which the tiny word YES inscribed on the ceiling was made visible.)


Spirituality is also inextricably connected to creativity--and vice-versa. It signifies a positive approach, an accepting, embracing. even loving attitude toward life, suffering--and death. Creativity can be a profound spiritual solution to life's problems. The exquisite presence of this assenting attitude toward life is plainly palpable in Beethoven's last string quartets, composed joyfully just before his death, despite his total deafness, isolation and intense physical suffering. Clearly, Beethoven had creatively arrived at some sublime conciliation with his demons, with his difficult, tragic, lonely life, and with his own mortality.


Each of us face essentially the same task: to assertively and constructively affirm ourselves and our lives. To accept our human fate. To find and fulfill our personal destiny. To muster the courage to confront existence and to accept--even embrace--life on its own terms, including our own and others' intrinsic daimonic tendencies. And, undoubtedly most difficult of all, to forgive ourselves and others for selfish, hurtful and destructive acts. Nowhere in religious literature is this spiritual principle of accepting life's suffering and acceding to one's divine destiny more dramatically, movingly and elegantly illustrated than in the Crucifixion. "Forgive them, Father, for they know not what they do" demonstrates powerfully a crucified Christ's compassion from the cross for human frailty. For ignorance. For unconsciousness. For the human condition in which we all participate. Buddhism conveys this very same spiritual message.


Diverging from Freud, depth psychologists Otto Rank, Carl Jung and Rollo May took a far less jaded view of religion, recognizing spirituality as an archetypal potentiality and essential psychological need. Jung was one of the first to see that despite their disillusionment with and rejection of organized religion, many of his patients' problems were religious in nature, requiring the development of their own personal spiritual perspective during the healing process of psychotherapy. In this sense, psychotherapy, when properly practiced, is an inherently spiritual venture. Understanding the psychology of spirituality is of tremendous importance to psychotherapy today. In the final analysis, the task of both psychotherapy and spirituality is to accept and redeem rather than avoid, deny, cast out, eradicate or exorcise our devils and demons. By bravely facing our inner "demons"--symbolizing those scary, shameful, primitive, uncivilized, irrational, unconscious complexes, emotions, passions and tendencies we most fear, flee from, and hence, are obsessed or haunted by--we transmute them into helpful spiritual allies. During this alchemical process, we come to find that the same devil so righteously run from and long-rejected turns out to be the redemptive source of renewed vitality, creativity and authentic spirituality.


Happy Holidays! And best wishes for a passionate, creative and joyous New Year!




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Theory theory and other theories

Theory theory and other theories: "

Picture: Theory theory vs simulation theory. Mitchell Herschbach spoke up for folk psychology in the JCS recently, suggesting that while there was truth in what its critics had said, it could not be dispensed with altogether.


What is folk psychology anyway? It is widely accepted that one of our basic mental faculties is the ability to understand other people - to attribute motives and feelings to them and change our own behaviour accordingly. One of the recognised stages of child development is the dawning recognition that other people may not know what we know, and may believe something different. There is relatively little evidence of this ability in other animals, although I believe chimps. for example, have been known to keep their discovery of food quiet if they thought other chimps couldn’t see it. Commonly this ability to understand others is attributed to the possession of a ‘theory of mind’, or to the application of ‘folk psychology’, a set of commonsensical or intuitive rules about how people think and how it affects their likely behaviour.


So far as I’m aware, no-one has managed to set out exactly what ‘folk psychology’ amounts to. An interesting comparison would be the attempt some years ago to define folk physics, or ‘naive physics’ as it was called - it was thought that artificial intelligence might benefit from being taught to think the way human beings think about the real world, ie in mainly pre-Newtonian if not pre-Galilean terms. It proved easy enough to lay down a few of the laws of folk physics - bodies in motion tend to slow down and stop; heavy things fall faster than light ones - but the elaboration of the theory ran into the sand for two reasons; the folk-theory couldn’t really be made to work as a deductive system, and as it developed it became increasingly complex and strange, until the claim that it resembled our intuitive beliefs became rather hard to accept. I imagine a comprehensive account of folk psychology might run into similar problems.


Of course, ‘folk psychology’ could take various forms besides a rigorously stated axiomatic deductive system.Herschbach explains that one of main divisions in the folk psychology camp is between the champions of theory theory (ie the idea that we really do use something relatively formal resembling a scientific theory) and simulation theory (you guessed it, the idea that we use a simulation of other people’s thought processes instead). Some of course, are attracted by the idea that mirror neurons, those interesting cells that fire both when we perform action A and when we see action A performed by someone else, might have a role in providing a faculty of empathy which underpins our understanding of others. According to Herschbach the theory theorists and the simulation theorists have tended to draw together more recently, with most people accepting that the mind makes some use of both approaches.


However, the folk folk face a formidable enemy and a more fundamental attack. The ‘phenomenological’ critics of folk psychology think the whole enterprise is misguided; in order to guess what other people will do, we don’t need to go through the rigmarole of examining their behaviour, consulting a theory and working out what their inward mental states are likely to be, then using the same theory to extrapolate what they are likely to do. We can deal with people quite competently without ever having to consider explicitly what their inner thoughts might be. Instead we can use ‘online’ intelligence, the sort of unreflecting, immediate understanding of life which governs most of our everyday behaviour.


The classical way of investigating the ‘folk psychology’ of children involves false-belief experiments. An experimenter places a toy in box a in full view of the child and an accomplice. The accomplice leaves the room and the experimenter moves the toy to box b. Then the child is asked where the accomplice will look for the toy. Younger children expect the accomplice to look for the toy where it actually is, in box b; when they get a little older they realise that the accomplice didn’t see the transfer and therefore can be expected to have the false belief that the toy is still in box a. The child has demonstrated its ability to understand that other people have different beliefs which may affect their behaviour. Variations on this kind of test have been in use since Piaget at least.


Ha! say the critics, but what’s going on here besides the main show? In addition to watching the accomplice and the toy, the child is going through complex interactions with the experimenter - obeying instructions, replying to questions and so on. Yet it would be absurd to maintain that they are carefully deducing the experimenter’s state of mind at every stage. They just do as they’re told. But if they can do all that without a theory of mind, why do they need one for the experiment? They just realise that people tend to look for things where they saw them last, without any nonsense about mental states.


Herschbach accepts that the case for ‘online’ understanding is good, but he thinks, briefly, that the opponents of folk psychology don’t give sufficient attention to the real point of false-belief experiments. It may be that we don’t have to retreat into self-conscious offline meditation to deal with false beliefs, but isn’t it the case that online thinking is itself mentalistic to a degree?


It does seem unlikely that beliefs about other people’s beliefs can be banished altogether from our account of how we deal with each other. In fact, our tendency to attribute beliefs to people by way of explanation is so strong we automatically do it even with inanimate objects which we know quite well have no beliefs at all (”MS Word has some weird ideas about grammar”).


The problem, I think, is not that Herschbach is wrong, but that we seem to have ended up with a bit of a mess. In dealing with other people we may or may not use online or offline reasoning or some mixture of the two; our thinking may or may not be mentalistic in some degree, and it may or may not rely on a theory or a simulation or both. The brain is, of course, under no obligation to provide us with a simple, single module for dealing with people, but this tangle of possibilities seems so complicated we don’t really seem to be left with any reliable insight at the end of it. Any mental faculty or way of thinking may, in an unpredicatble host of different ways, be relevant to the way we understand each other. Alas (alas for philosophy of mind, anyway), I think that’s probably the truth.

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Brain starvation as we age appears to trigger Alzheimer's

Brain starvation as we age appears to trigger Alzheimer's: "(Northwestern University) A slow, chronic starvation of the brain as we age appears to be a major trigger of a biochemical process that causes some forms of Alzheimer's disease. A new study from Northwestern University has found when the brain doesn't get enough sugar glucose -- as when cardiovascular disease restricts blood flow to the brain -- a process is launched that produces the sticky clumps of protein that appear to be a cause of Alzheimer's."

A genuine shocker: Most people will "torture" when commanded [Dr. Joan Bushwell's Chimpanzee Refuge]

A genuine shocker: Most people will "torture" when commanded [Dr. Joan Bushwell's Chimpanzee Refuge]: "

Researchers at Santa Clara University in California have replicated the results of a famous--and notorious--1961 study that found that the majority of people willingly deliver what they believe to be painful shocks to unseen, unknown, but very much heard victims when ordered to do so by authority figures.



Forty-seven years ago, Yale professor Stanley Milgram, inspired by events surrounding the Holocaust and wondering if Nazi operatives were in the main morally intact persons who were in fact 'merely following orders,' devised an experimentPDF in which volunteers were told to deliver increasingly severe shocks to a person (actually an actor) who cried out in pain and begged for mercy after each 'jolt.' 26 of 40 volunteers went as high on the voltage scale as the experiment allowed--450 volts.

Read the rest of this post... | Read the comments on this post..."

REPEATING THE MILGRAM EXPERIMENTS, with similar results. …

REPEATING THE MILGRAM EXPERIMENTS, with similar results. …: "

REPEATING THE MILGRAM EXPERIMENTS, with similar results.





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Shame on us: Shaming some kids makes them more aggressive

Shame on us: Shaming some kids makes them more aggressive: "(University of Michigan) Aren't you ashamed of yourself? All these years, you've been trying to build up your child's self-esteem, and now a growing body of research suggests you may be making a big mistake. A study published in the December issue of Child Development finds that early adolescents with high self-esteem are more likely to react aggressively when they feel ashamed than their peers with lower levels of self-esteem."

A walk in the park a day keeps mental fatigue away

A walk in the park a day keeps mental fatigue away: "If you spend the majority of your time among stores, restaurants and skyscrapers, it may be time to trade in your stilettos for some hiking boots. A new study in Psychological Science reveals that spending time in nature may be more beneficial for mental processes than being in urban environments."

How a cognition enhancing drug works.

How a cognition enhancing drug works.: "Minzenberg et. al. find that brain images of humans treated with a cognitive enhancing drug show increased task-oriented activity in a brainstem nucleus and confirm that this region controls cognition. Their abstract:
Models of cognitive control posit a key modulatory role for the pontine locus coeruleus–norepinephrine (LC-NE) system. In nonhuman primates, phasic LC-NE activity confers adaptive adjustments in cortical gain in task-relevant brain networks, and in performance, on a trial-by-trial basis. This model has remained untested in humans. We used the pharmacological agent modafinil to promote low-tonic/high-phasic LC-NE activity in healthy humans performing a cognitive control task during event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). Modafanil administration was associated with decreased task-independent, tonic LC activity, increased task-related LC and prefrontal cortex (PFC) activity, and enhanced LC-PFC functional connectivity. These results confirm in humans the role of the LC-NE system in PFC function and cognitive control and suggest a mechanism for therapeutic action of procognitive noradrenergic agents.


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The Flynn Effect: Troubles with Intelligence 2

The Flynn Effect: Troubles with Intelligence 2: "

James R. Flynn

James R. Flynn

Since I’m in Dunedin, New Zealand, I thought I’d write on one of the University of Otago’s most neuroanthropological philosophers, Prof. James Flynn, and dive back into the maelstrom around average IQ scores in different social groups. Prof. Flynn famously pointed out to people outside the standardized testing industry that IQ tests had to be periodically recalibrated because average IQ scores in industrialized countries steadily inflated, suggesting either that people were growing smarter or something else was up with these tests.


Flynn gathered tests from Europe, North America and Asia, around thirty countries in all, and discovered that, for as far back as we had data in any case, average IQ test scores had risen about 3 points per decade and in some cases more. Only recently, in some Scandanavian countries, to the gains appear to be levelling off (see, for example, Sundet 2004; Teasdale and Owen 2005).


We’ve been down this road before at Neuroanthropology before, delving into the murky depths of group averages and tests scores. Back in December 2007, Agustín offered neuroanthropology and race- getting it straight, following up on a discussion sparked by Daniel’s post, IQ, Environment & Anthropology. I put in my two cents, and caught an ear-full, for Girls closing math gap?: Troubles with intelligence #1 (the first ‘part’ of this post). I’ve been wanting to re-enter this particular body of hot water since I read a story on Science Daily, Plastic Brain Outsmarts Experts: Training Can Increase Fluid Intelligence, Once Thought To Be Fixed At Birth, so against my better instincts, my shoes are off and I’m poking my toes in.


Ironically, in spite of the fact that children spend longer on average in school than in previous decades, the Flynn Effect does not show up on the parts of standardized tests that measure school-related subjects. That is, tests of vocabulary, arithmetic, or general knowledge (such as the sorts of facts one learns in school) have showed little increase, but scores have increased markedly on tests thought to measure ‘general intelligence’ (or ‘g’), such as Raven’s Progressive Matrices which require mental manipulation of objects, logical inference, or other abstract reasoning.




The Flynn Effect has been one of the most powerful refutations to those who think that intelligence is ‘innate’ or ‘genetically determined’ because it’s very hard to argue that the genetic pool of a population can improve over time; if genes determine intelligence, how can the average in a population be increasing? Theoreticians called ‘IQ fundamentalists’ by some commentators have put forward a number of arguments about innate intelligence, virtually always pessimistic about minority groups, and often seeking to decrease funding for programs like Head Start that seek to ameliorate inequalities in academic achievement (see for example, Malcolm Gladwell’s discussion of ‘IQ fundamentalists’ in his review of Flynn’s What Is Intelligence? in The New Yorker from around this time last year.


Jon S. Twing at TrueScores pointed out in a post, IQ and the Flynn Effect, that, when he was working on the Third Edition of the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC-III), he was fascinated with a process called ‘continuous norming.’ Twing writes that continuous norming was a process developed by Prof. Richard Gorsuch and applied by Dr. Gale Roid ‘to improve the precision of empirical norms.’ In other words, people directly involved in the design and evaluation of these tests realized that these scores had to be adjusted, but Flynn noticed these changes and drew more widespread attention as well as some fascinating theoretical conclusions from this trend.


A number of explanations have been put forward for the Flynn Effect, including improved nutrition, smaller families which provide more adult interaction for children, greater familiarity with standardized tests, better schooling, and more complicated cognitive environments. Flynn has offered his own explanations in recent publications, which we will return to in a moment because they offer us a nice entry point into the neuroanthropology of ‘intelligence’.


The Flynn Effect runs contrary to our usual pessimism about the intelligence of ‘kids these days.’ As Steven Johnson wrote in Wired, ‘Despite concerns about the dumbing-down of society – the failing schools, the garbage on TV, the decline of reading – the overall population was getting smarter.’ Asked point blank about the alleged intellectual degradation of contemporary life, Flynn has been very abrupt in pushing back against this (see, for example, Matt Nippert’s story on Flynn from the New Zealand Listener). Flynn’s less cynical about IQ testing (although he recognizes its limitations) than he is interested in the underlying cognitive changes that these scores might reflect.


Four paradoxes of the Flynn Effect



In his book, What Is Intelligence?, Flynn identifies four paradoxes that arise from the steady increase in average IQ test scores given the predominant understanding of ‘intelligence.’


The factor analysis paradox: Prior research suggested that a single factor, ‘general intelligence’ or ‘g,’ underlies IQ. The Flynn Effect, however, does not affect all sections of the WISC and other intelligence tests to the same degree; that is, if we’re getting smarter, some parts of our intelligence are getting smarter faster, undermining our confidence in ‘g.’


The intelligence paradox: The Flynn Effect suggests that we are getting smarter relatively quickly, but it’s not obvious (and some would say flies in the face of certain evidence) that kids today are so much smarter than their parents or grandparents (except perhaps when it comes to home electronics). As Flynn writes:


If huge IQ gains are intelligence gains, why are we not stuck by the extraordinary subtlety of our children’s conversation? Why do we not have to make allowances for the limitations of our parents? A difference of some 18 points in the average IQ over two generations ought to be highly visible.


The mental retardation paradox: If the rate of change in IQ is extrapolated backwards, it suggests that people in 1900 had a mean IQ score somewhere between 50 and 70 judged by today’s standards. An IQ level of 75 is typically considered ‘mentally retarded.’ Flynn puts this one nicely, too: ‘Either today’s children are so bright that they should run circles around us, or their grandparents were so dull that it is surprising that they could keep a modern society ticking over.’


The identical twins paradox: Twins raised apart tend to have very similar IQ scores, typically considered strong evidence for a genetic basis for differences in IQ. The Flynn Effect instead suggests that intelligence, if it is being measured by IQ, is more malleable and subject to environmental effects.


Unraveling the paradoxes


According to Flynn, one possible set of explanations (certainly not the only one) is the following:


Functional independence of intelligences: The appearance of a general intelligence, ‘g,’ underlying all the subsections and different cognitive skills on a test like the WISC, is an effect of the test in a static social context. Over time, because shifts occur in the emphasis placed on different aspects of intelligence, different cognitive skills, the relative strengths of the various dimensions can shift. In his talk at the University of Cambridge, Flynn uses the example of an ‘athletic g’ for all the events of the decathlon to discuss how traits that are functionally interdependent might appear to correlate (see also Dickens and Flynn 2001).


Non-uniform intelligence gains: As Flynn writes: ‘The 20th century has seen some cognitive skills make great gains, while others have been in the doldrums.’ Whether or not our scores are increasing, and how much, depends very much upon which cognitive skill we’re testing. He offers a very interesting discussion of the variation in rates of improvement (or even decrease) here. As Flynn explains:


IQ gains over time describe a dynamic situation in which social priorities shift in a multitude of ways. No better maths teaching, more leisure but with the extra leisure devoted to visual rather then verbal pursuits, the spread of the scientific ethos, and a host of other things all occurring together. The average on Similarities rises but the average on Arithmetic and Vocabulary does not.


Increasing skills in abstract thought: Flynn points out the obvious – our ancestors were not mentally retarded. But they also were adept at different sorts of mental skills, an issue I’ll return to a bit later. Flynn suggests that we have become more adept at certain kinds of formal, hypothetical, and logical reasoning, liberating our problem solving ability from concrete reference (something that can be a detriment in certain sorts of problem-solving, as well).


Twins actually generating shared environment: Part of the reason genetic factors appear dominant in some traits is that some of these genetic traits attract certain environmental factors that compound and reinforce the genetic differences. The example given in the Wired article on the Flynn effect is the way that a genetically-based advantage in height might lead two identical twins, separated at birth, to wind up in environments where they both get pretty good at basketball; see the discussion here, too or in Dickens and Flynn 2001). As Flynn writes: ‘genetic advantages that may have been quite modest at birth have a huge effect on eventual basketball skills by getting matched with better environments — and genes thereby get credit for the potency of powerful environmental factors, such as more practice, team play, professional coaching.’


Flynn, together with William T. Dickens (2001), provided a more rigorous mathematical model of the ways in which reciprocal causation and social multipliers could confound the contribution of genetics and environment to IQ, but also found that many factors that influenced childhood IQ scores might not affect adult IQ without change in adult environment to reinforce changes. Because a person’s genotype affects their environment, a potentially small difference in the genetic contribution to intelligence might, through feedback effects, get compounded into a large difference in performance on a standardized test. In addition, there would be social effects if those around you would be developing more sophisticated cognitive abilities; you would both be influenced by them and expected to live up to the new norm in ability.


So do we give up on IQ tests?


iq_misunderstoodFlynn doesn’t think gains in IQ scores are either trivial or cause for discounting standardized testing; the tests are not fatally flawed, although our understanding of the results may be. Flynn argues that we really need to understand what these changes are measuring. People are not growing ‘smarter,’ they are growing better at very specific cognitive skills:


This solution to our paradox does not imply that massive IQ gains over time are trivial. Aside from the escalation in lateral thinking, they represent nothing less than a liberation of the human mind. The scientific world-view, with its vocabulary, taxonomies, and detachment of logic and the hypothetical from concrete referents, has begun to permeate the minds of post-industrial people. This has paved the way for mass education on the university level and the emergence of an intellectual cadre without whom our present civilization would be inconceivable. (from this page in the Cambridge talk)


Flynn surveys a number of studies that suggest that the ability to engage in formal or abstract reasoning strongly correlates, not with intelligence, but with the level of schooling; since, in the West, people stay in school longer if they are more intelligent, it makes sense that the correlation between intelligence and the ability to engage in abstract reasoning would be especially strong in industrialized countries. That is, if schooling affects intellectual abilities measured by these tests, at the same time that these tests provide greater access to formal educational opportunities, then the tests would measure intelligence really well, but not just because they transparently reflect some underlying intelligence. Rather, it would be because the tests themselves are tied up in a self-reinforcing cycle of talent (or its lack) being compounded by opportunities, confidence, and motivation (or their opposite).


Innovations in thinking


Flynn argues that certain shorthand abstractions (SHA), formulae for thinking critically, have entered the cognitive repertoire of educated people, expanding their intellectual capabilities. Ironically, none of these SHAs shows up on a standardized IQ test like WISC or WAIS. If we wanted to measure people’s critical thinking abilities, we would have to come up with a new sort of test.


In a brief form, the concepts (along with the date of their creation and intellectual discipline) include: ‘market’ (1776, economics), ‘percentage’ (1860, statistics), ‘natural selection (1864, biology), ‘control group’ (1875, social science), ‘random sample’ (1877, social science), ‘naturalistic fallacy’ (1903, moral philosophy), ‘charisma effect’ (1922, social science), ‘placebo’ (1938, medicine), ‘falsifiable/tautology’ (1959, philosophy of science), and ‘tolerance school fallacy’ (2000, moral philosophy) (okay… the last one is Flynn’s, but it really builds upon some concepts close to our anthropological hearts, like cultural relativism). I won’t go into any detail (you can read about them here), but the idea is that some concepts that become shared representations – although by no means universal – facilitate forms of thought that are otherwise unlikely, or even impossible.


Flynn also offers a short, incomplete list of some of the concepts that resemble shorthand abstractions, but are actually opposed to scientific thought; among the examples he offers are the idea that some human traits are ‘contrary to nature’ (usually something the speaker want so condemn), ‘intelligent design’, ‘gender science’, and ‘reality is a text’, a nice mix of targets guaranteed to irritate a majority of readers: as Flynn writes, they are ‘evenly divided between the contributions of obscurantist churches and contemporary academics.’


Whether or not we agree about any one of these SHAs (or anti-SHAs, call them ’shorthand errors’ or SHEs), Flynn’s account is a powerful discussion of how cognition might be affected by social invention, cognitive sharing, and even historical development of thought. Rather than getting ’smarter’ in some vague way, Flynn offers a much more concrete account of specific thinking tools that individuals may or may not successfully integrate into their repertoire. They clearly have blinders as well as lenses, obscuring certain things or making it harder to have some kinds of thought, as well as facilitating others (like the ways of thinking tested on the WISC and other IQ tests). Although I may quibble with this or that SHA, I admire the degree to which he pins them down, even locating their origin and birth. It’s a kind of intellectual history that’s a bit alien to me as an anthropologist, but I think it’s very persuasive.


I’ll come back later and argue about whether ‘modern’ is such a good term to call it, but given this sophisticated, historical, contingent account of the very specific concepts that the term refers to in Flynn’s theory, I think it works. Perhaps it’s not fortuitous as sloppy thinkers are not going to read the details but possibly assume a very old fashioned ‘the West and the Rest’ division of the world into ‘modern thinkers’ and ‘non-modern thinkers,’ but I can’t accuse Flynn of doing that.


Flynn wrapped up his talk at the University of Cambridge with a discussion of wisdom, whether or not the industrial revolution that produced gains in IQ makes us so materialistic that wisdom will not be able to curb destructive desires. He wonders openly about the future:


The 20th century has been the century of rising IQ, the spread of the language and categories of science, the liberation of reason from the concrete, and the enhancement of on-the-spot problem solving. The 21st century will be the battleground of armies for and against the SHAs. It just might culminate in the triumph of critical thinking if universities hold fast to what they are supposed to be all about. Whether we can hope for anything more, I cannot predict.


Now, I still haven’t gotten to that article on Science Daily on the training of fluid intelligence that started me down this path, but don’t worry, I’m just getting warmed up. I’ve got more to come on training intelligence and whether or not rural people are dumber than city-dwellers… Yeah, it’s just getting good.


Acknowledgments


Thanks to Sue Sheridan who hipped me to the Science Daily piece that made me make my first notes for this posting — and our readers should check out her blog, Life of Wiley, home of the Daily Skeleton Action figure.


Bibliography


Dickens, William T., and James R. Flynn. 2001. Heritability Estimates Versus Large Environmental Effects: The IQ Paradox Resolved. Psychological Review 108(2): 346-369. doi:10.1037//0033-295X. 108.2.346


Flynn, James R. 1984. The mean IQ of Americans: Massive gains 1932 to 1978. Psychological Bulletin 95: 29-51.

_____. 1987. Massive IQ gains in 14 nations: What IQ tests really measure. Psychological Bulletin 101: 171-191.

_____. 1998. IQ gains over time: Toward finding the causes. In U. Neisser, ed., The rising curve: Long-term gains in IQ and related measures. Pp. 25 - 66. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

_____. 2000. IQ gains, WISC subtests, and fluid g: g theory and the relevance of Spearman’s hypothesis to race (with Discussion). In G. R. Bock, J. A. Goode, & K. Webb, eds., The nature of intelligence. Pp. 222-223. Novartis Foundation Symposium 233. New York: Wiley.

_____. 2007. What Is Intelligence?: Beyond the Flynn Effect. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.


Gladwell, Malcolm. 2007. None of the Above: What IQ Doesn’t Tell You About Race. The New Yorker (December 17, 2007).


National Science Foundation. 2008. (June 6). Plastic Brain Outsmarts Exp

erts: Training Can Increase Fluid Intelligence, Once Thought To Be Fixed At Birth. ScienceDaily. Retrieved June 7, 2008, from http://www.sciencedaily.com /releases/2008/06/080605163804.htm


Sundet, Jon Martin. 2004. The end of the Flynn Effect. A study of secular trends in mean intelligence scores of Norwegian conscripts during half a century. Intelligence 32: 349. doi:10.1016/j.intell.2004.06.004.


Teasdale, T. W., and D. R. Owen. 2005. A long-term rise and recent decline in intelligence test performance: The Flynn Effect in reverse. Personality and Individual Differences 39(4): 837–843. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2005.01.029


University of Michigan. 2008. (May 6). Brain-training To Improve Memory Boosts Fluid Intelligence. ScienceDaily. Retrieved June 7, 2008, from http://www.sciencedaily.com /releases/2008/05/080505075642.htm


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Top 100 Stories of 2008: #39: Amazonian Tribe Doesn't Have Words for Numbers

Top 100 Stories of 2008: #39: Amazonian Tribe Doesn't Have Words for Numbers: "Imagine a world without words to express numbers. That's how a newly-discovered Amazonian tribe has been living since its inception."

Top 100 Stories of 2008: #56: Memory Training Can Make You Smarter

Top 100 Stories of 2008: #56: Memory Training Can Make You Smarter: "A new study takes the conventional wisdom on intelligence—that it's static and can't be changed—and turns it on its head."

Your Memory Is Bigger and Better Than Scientists Expected

Your Memory Is Bigger and Better Than Scientists Expected: "Good news about our brains—turns out our visual memory is bigger and better than previously thought. The study authors even offer a tip to help improve your memory, and keep you from losing your keys.



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Cognitive science to improve student learning

Cognitive science to improve student learning: "

Today's news:


McDonnell Foundation grant harnesses cognitive science to improve student learning (press release)


- "Using what cognitive psychologists are discovering in the laboratory to improve learning in the classroom is the goal of a $6.47 million collaborative activity grant to Washington University from the James S. McDonnell Foundation (JSMF)."


- "The aim of the grant is to take the knowledge that cognitive psychologists have gained about learning and memory from laboratory experimentation and to develop techniques to improve learning in the classrooms," said Henry L. "Roddy" Roediger III, Ph.D., principal investigator on the grant and the James S. McDonnell Distinguished University Professor in Arts & Sciences.


Comment: this is great news, but it would be even better would publishers be the ones developing these new techniques and curriculum - it is time to start moving beyond a purely content-based approach and introduce the evaluation and enhancement of what we can call "cognitive functions for life".


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Napping Better than Caffeine in Many Ways [Napping]

Napping Better than Caffeine in Many Ways [Napping]: "

The New York Times reports that in a study of 61 people, those who took a 2-hour afternoon nap did 'significantly' better at repeating verbal, perception, and motor-skill tests from that morning than those given caffeine or a placebo. What's more, the caffeine takers didn't do do much better in verbal tasks than the placebos, but claimed to be the most awake. Not brand-new news to long-time Lifehacker readers, perhaps, but a nice reminder that coffee does not always equal productive power. (Here's the full study paper).





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Exercise helps prevent age-related brain changes in older adults

Exercise helps prevent age-related brain changes in older adults: "(Radiological Society of North America) Older adults who exercise regularly show increased cerebral blood flow and a greater number of small blood vessels in the brain."

The Mirror Neuron System

The Mirror Neuron System: "The Mirror Neuron System: '

The Mirror Neuron System


A Special Issue of Social Neuroscience



  • Edited by Christian Keysers, Luciano Fadiga


Mirror neurons are premotor neurons, originally discovered in the macaque brain , that discharge both during execution of goal-directed actions and during the observation of similar actions executed by another individual. They therefore ‘mirror’ others’ actions on the observer's motor repertoire. In the last decade an impressive amount of work has been devoted to the study of their properties and to investigate if they are present also in our species. Neuroimaging and electrophysiological techniques have shown that a mirror-neuron system does exist in the human brain as well. Among ‘mirror’ human areas, Broca’s area (the frontal area for speech production) is almost constantly activated by action observation. This suggests a possible evolutionary link between action understanding and verbal communication. In the most recent years, mirror-like phenomena have been demonstrated also for domains others than the pure motor one. Examples of that are the somatosensory and the emotional systems, possibly providing a neurophysiological basis to phenomena such as embodiment and empathy. This special issue collects some of the most representative works on the mirror-neuron system to give a panoramic view on current research and to stimulate new experiments in this exciting field.

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ISBN: 9781841698663


Published November 30 2008 by Psychology Press.

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Napping Boosts Sophisticated Memory, Study Shows [Sleep]

Napping Boosts Sophisticated Memory, Study Shows [Sleep]: "Napping Boosts Sophisticated Memory, Study Shows [Sleep]: '

Neuroscientist William Fishbein says that deep, 'slow-wave' sleep can help us commit information to memory, learn new skills, and extrapolate information. Science news site Physorg reports that Fishbein and a graduate student studied English-speaking students' ability to remember Chinese characters they were taught just before a nap (and some without a nap):

Upon awakening, they took a multiple-choice test of Chinese words they'd never seen before. The nappers did much better at automatically learning that the first of the two-pair characters in the words they'd memorized earlier always meant the same thing—female, for example. So they also were more likely than non-nappers to choose that a new word containing that character meant 'princess' and not 'ape.'

Add this latest study fuel to the fire of our unabashed pro-nap agenda; and while you're here see our top 10 ways to sleep smarter and better. Photo by Tina Keller.





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Gender biases in leadership selection during competitions within and between groups

Gender biases in leadership selection during competitions within and between groups: "Gender biases in leadership selection during competitions within and between groups: '(Association for Psychological Science) New research has revealed that a gender bias occurs when selecting leaders during various group competition scenarios. Overall, the findings indicate that during times of intergroup conflict a male leader prototype is sought while during intragroup conflict a female leader prototype is sought.'
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Our cheatin' brain: The brain's clever way of showing us the world as a whole

Our cheatin' brain: The brain's clever way of showing us the world as a whole: "Our cheatin' brain: The brain's clever way of showing us the world as a whole: '(Association for Psychological Science) Boundary extension is a mistake that we often make when recalling a view of a scene -- we will insist that the boundaries of an image stretched out farther than what we actually saw. Results of a new study indicate that boundary extension occurs when a scene is interrupted for as little as 42 milliseconds (quicker than an eye blink!) and even when volunteers know exactly what is being tested.'
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What is Intelligence?

What is Intelligence?: "What is Intelligence?: '

Intelligence has been discussed throughout much of human history. Socrates gave one definition of intelligence: “I know that I am intelligent, because I know that I know nothing.” Intelligence over the years has been defined as such diverse things as understanding others, knowledge gained, who you surround yourself by, what you accomplish, and the ability to reason. Before the 19th century, intelligence was solely in the realm of philosophy. Franz Joseph Gall, who started the phrenology movement, sought to localize intelligence (among other things) in the brain, which was in turn measured on the skull. While many of the ideas of phrenology were inaccurate, the idea of quantifying individual differences and localizing those differences onto the brain was an important one. Over the years, researchers started using better methods of research and understanding individual differences.


Then in the early 20th century, a French researcher was asked by the French government to come up with a way to identify children who would and would not benefit from schooling. He developed the first modern intelligence test. This first intelligence test quantified attention, verbal skills, and memory. About 10 years later, Lewis Terman, a psychologist at Stanford, adapted it for use in the United States. These tests provided an Intelligence Quotient as the quantification of intelligence. It was quickly applied by the military to identify who would make good officers an who should be rejected from service. Charles Spearman, an English psychologist, developed the idea that many disparate components of intelligence all represented an underlying general factor of intelligence (g). This had a large impact on the idea of intelligence and on the development of future measures of intelligence.


LightbulbDavid Wechsler developed an intelligence test, largely based on Spearman’s idea of g; this test is the most widely used intelligence test in the United States. The most recent version measures verbal comprehension, perceptual reasoning, working memory, and processing speed. There is considerable controversy whether processing speed — which roughly is how quickly someone can perceive and process new information or perform an action — should be considered a measure of intelligence. Other people balk at assigning a single number to intelligence, especially when there is not a universally agreed upon definition of intelligence. Still others feel that traditional intelligence tests provide a too narrow view of intelligence. One such researcher, Howard Gardner, initially proposed that there are seven intelligences (this has since been modified to include at least two more), including bodily-kinesthetic, linguistic, interpersonal, visual-spatial, and so forth. A problem with his theory is that his intelligences are not easily measured (however, some people would not see this as a fault).


What do the readers think about intelligence? Do IQ tests provide a good measure of intelligence? In other words, is it a meaningful concept? Does Gardner’s theory fit better? Is intelligence even a useful concept to measure? Was Oscar Wilde correct when he said, “The intellect is not a serious thing, and never has been. It is an instrument on which one plays, that is all”?


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